The leaders of the three devolved governments of the United Kingdom Scotland, Wales, and Northern Irelandare set to meet soon to sign a charter regarding the holding of independence referendums and the right to self-determination and separation from London.
Kabul 24: For the first time in modern British history, pro-independence parties are in power across all three non-English nations forming the UK.
Although the formation of this political front does not mean an immediate secession from the UK, it could pave the way for repeated independence referendums and lay the groundwork for separation in the medium term.
Just a few weeks ago, the de facto autonomy of Syrian Kurds dissolved under the weight of regional and global geopolitical bargaining. Syrian Kurds never had the opportunity to express their views on their future through a free referendum. Any step in that direction would undoubtedly have met with a Turkish military response and American compliance.
Of course, comparing the Middle East trapped in authoritarianism and underdevelopment with a democratic and prosperous Europe is not an exact comparison.
The goal here is to highlight a fresh and dramatic point.
We have often heard the powerful and members of the state “club” label nationalism as reactionary and the demand for self-determination as chaotic.
Yet simultaneously, in the Global North the wealthy and prosperous part of the world—new versions of nationalism are emerging: a luxury, elite, and “VIP” nationalism.
What is luxury nationalism, and how does it differ from the nationalism of the poor?
Remember when it was claimed that the rise of the European Union and the unification of European nations under Brussels would end nationalism and the nation-state model?
That prediction proved wrong. The EU inadvertently fueled a reverse form of nationalism within sub-regions through its political and economic integration mechanisms.
In his influential book *Postwar*, Tony Judt perceptively observed that the Union, founded to weaken nationalism, fell into another form of nationalism by empowering “super-regions.”
What are super-regions? Wealthy areas such as Baden-Württemberg in Germany, Rhône-Alpes in France, Lombardy in Italy, and Catalonia in Spain—regions with high GDPs that benefited immensely from the EU—have gradually lost interest in their national capitals.
As integration into European structures deepened, these regions noticed the vast economic gap between national territories: for example, the gap between Catalonia and Andalusia, or Lombardy and Sicily.
Gradually, a mindset emerged: *”We pay taxes, they consume. We are modern, they are backward.”*
Under this logic, an independent Catalonia within the EU naturally perceives greater benefit than remaining united with poorer Andalusia.
The troubling aspect is how this mirrors the behavior of the newly rich who isolate themselves in gated communities like Bastie Hills or Lavasan.
This reflects a fundamental discursive shift, turning secession from a politico-cultural demand into the independence seeking of richer regions from poorer ones.
Of course, this trend does not go unanswered; it hardens the resolve of poorer regions to defend the central state.
The Brexit referendum serves as a clear example. Britain withdrew from Brussels to preserve its independence and reclaim its historical pride.
Among the four nations of the UK, Scotland and Northern Ireland voted to remain. Wales narrowly voted to leave, while England voted decisively for Brexit.
Strikingly, the three pro-independence governments of today were supporters of remaining in Europe yesterday. While one cannot ignore the historical roots of Scottish independence, it is impossible to deny that an independent Scotland or a unified Ireland inside Europe—separate from London—could become economic paradises.
Now, let us return to the initial comparison and the tragic fate of Syrian Kurdish autonomy as an example of the “nationalism of the poor.” This is a model where nations pursue separation and self-determination based on political, cultural, and often legitimate grounds to escape poverty, only to be crushed under the labels of “separatism” and “regional destabilization.”
As the saying goes: autonomy is no longer what it used to be—not with double standards like these, and not with such a complete reversal of paradigms.
Salahaddin Khadiv
